By Christina Unger
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Additional resources for A computational approach to the syntax of displacement and the semantics of scope
59) seems to have been displaced covertly for it gives rise to an island violation. 59) Japanese ∗ Anata-wa [Taro-ga dare-o you-top hometa-ka doo-ka] sitte-imasu-ka? 60) we already saw. The wh-phrase is fronted inside the embedded clause but takes scope over the matrix clause. 60) Malay (Cole & Hermon ) Kamu fikir [[ke mana]1 Fatimah pergi you think to where 1 ]? 61). Also there the wh-phrase occurs in a position lower than the one from where it takes scope. 61) [The king of which city]1 did Ishtar admire 1?
That is, for every semantic reading, a different syntactic structure was postulated. This preserved a strict one-to-one correspondence between syntax and semantics. 5 35 Two sides of the same coin? 62b). 62) a. Whom did everyone fear? b. 63b), depending on the order in which the two quantificational noun phrases are raised. 63) Most heroes survive all devastating battles. a. [[most heroes]1 [[all devastating battles]2 [ 1 survive 2 ]]] b. [[all devastating battles]2 [[most heroes]1 [ 1 survive 2 ]]] The rationale behind LF was that the principles of grammar do not only determine possible syntactic structures but also possible logical forms that represent those syntactic aspects that are relevant for interpretation.
That is, with respect to the core system that we considered in this chapter, syntax and semantics work in tandem and never part company. 4 Summary and limitations Up to this point we have a procedure for generating expressions that is very much like context-free phrase structure grammars. We took expressions to be form-meaning pairs, assuming a mapping ◦ between syntactic and semantic types that ensures a close correspondence between the paired forms and meanings. We then defined an operation merge for constructing more complex form-meaning pairs by combining forms and combining meanings in parallel.